Sydney Rave culture

(Excerpt from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rave#1990.27s:_Australia)

The event that is generally regarded as the earliest formation of the dance party scene in Sydney is the Sleaze Ball, which occurs as part of the Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras [Brookman, 1998:27]. This early incarnation of rave culture can be seen as an example of a subordinated group negotiating its position in terms of the hegemony of dominant society as Hebdige described it. Their subordination and continual clashes with the police contributed to a powerful, pent-up frustration which round its releases in this event [Ott & Herman, 2003: 250]. The rhetoric of acceptance and unity followed through into the inner city warehouse based rave culture. These environments were accepting of “polymorphous sexuality” [Brookman, 1998:28], celebrated difference and moved the emphasis away from dance as a form of pick-up to an individual form of creative expression.

Older ravers often regard 1992 as the year that Sydney rave scene exploded. It was considered underground by its adherents. But by the end of 1993 UK promoters Fantazia began staging large events there for 4000+ people. An editor of 3D World magazine wrote in 1998

    One of the fun parts of the early parties...was that they were doing something underground...their friends didn’t know about it, their parents were clueless and hey the governing bodies didn’t know what was going on.

The group was thus integrated through a feeling that each member was involved in something new and relatively secret. The philosophy of PLUR (Peace, Love, Unity & Respect) which originated in the Acid House movement in Britain spread through the scene in Sydney and played an important role in producing an environment of tolerance and acceptance at raves. Brookman describes the “heterogeneous rhythm [of techno music] uniting dancers regardless of their race, class, age, gender or sexuality” [1998:25]. Divisions within the scene first rose around and after Christmas 1993, when a fatal car accident involving ravers returning from Happy Valley 2 received substantial media attention [Brookman, 1993:30]. This was the first time the media introduced the word rave into dominant society. From a post-structural perspective, this represented the first stage of incorporation. This had a dual impact on the scene: on one hand it grew due to increased exposure, on the other it shrunk down to around 1000 of the ‘original’ ravers who continued to attend parties. This is evidence of the diffusion process occurring. DJ Jim Jams noted that in 1994 there appeared a clearer distinction between “the core of the rave scene” and people who “didn’t really know anything about it” [per comm., 2003]. This distinction became even more pronounced following the highly publicised death of Anna Wood in 1995.

    When Anna died and the media made such a story of it, the rave scene was changed unbelievably within a few months. What the general public didn’t realise is [that] it was probably the biggest advertisement the rave scene had ever had. Before Anna’s death maybe 20% of all the youth in Sydney knew what a rave was. After her death, about 80% knew. [DJ Daniel Midian]

A distinction emerged between these two groups in terms of musical taste (‘old skool’ vs ‘new skool’), attitudes towards PLUR and expression of group identification (through clothes and other accessories).

The newer ravers, therefore become the ‘core’ of the scene. This cycle has repeated itself a number of times, but can be generalised (somewhat arbitrarily) into 3 waves since the inception of raving in Sydney to the current day. For ease of discussion, these 3 waves can be labelled ‘Old Skool Ravers’, ‘New Skool Ravers’ and ‘Candy Ravers’ respectively. These 3 waves can be differentiated from each other in terms of their values, style and consumption. Their patterns of consumption are of most importance to this discussion and so have been briefly outlined here. ‘Old Skool Ravers’ placed little emphasis on appearance - the standard uniform was “shorts, singlets and sneakers” a number of older ravers agreed and there was little evidence of commodification. The ‘New Skool Ravers’ brought with them a code of authenticity and credibility, in terms of style, attitude and musical tastes. A number of ravers that clearly identified themselves as part of this second wave, indicated that they would spend up to $100 on clothes for raves. Common brands cited were Rushn, NRG, Mooks, Diesel, Lee, and Levi. These were also the first ravers to begin wearing, in substantial numbers t-shirts displaying sabotaged logos. Therefore, for this group at least, certain brands and labels carry a message of group identification.

Candy ravers usually dress up in wild clothes consisting of bright colours, fluffy leg warmers for the girls and ‘phat’ (excessively flared) pants for the guys; they litter themselves with candy bracelets and necklace, are notorious for having a dummy hanging round their neck to suck on when their jaw starts clenching (a side-effect from Ecstasy) and carry around stuffed toys and other kiddy paraphernalia. They are also the major users of glow sticks and are regarded as having started the Chupa Chup lollipop phenomenon. Chupa Chups, offer a salient means of identification for this group. Some 71% of ravers indicated that they sometimes or always purchase chupa chups for raves. These two items represent what Hebdige refers to as the magical appropriation of “humble objects” [in Brookman, 1998:51] that express resistance in a form of code, and act to reinforce the ‘subordinate’ status of the group. There is however a practical aspect to the use of Chupa Chups at raves which is to prevent the grinding of the teeth (a side effect of ecstasy use).